With respect, in our opinion, the current Youth Justice Act is appropriate for the circumstances and Queensland‘s current environment. Knee-jerk responses to bad publicity should never be used as the basis for law reform.
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Restrictions on electoral expenditure are akin to the rules of debate in a meeting which restricts the length of speeches and provide for rights of reply. In the context of political speech, the restrictions are essential to fairness, in that the arms race between various political players is continuously increasing the cost of elections, which results in an increasing number of people being excluded from the political process. Capping expenditure would also help to create closer financial equality between candidates at elections
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Astonishingly, when the government announced these laws, it relied upon a review of the trial of this system as justifying their introduction. As this submission will demonstrate, to the contrary, that report justified the criticisms which have been made of this type of law.
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We start from the premise that prisoners including those on probation, parole or other post detention supervised release, do not have the same privacy rights as ordinary citizens, but they are not stripped of their entire right to privacy
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The Council maintains its position that the advancement of women’s equality and protecting them from violence cannot come at the expense of fundamental legal principles and arrangements designed to protect the liberty of everyone
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Civil libertarians have traditionally been very sceptical about the creation of standing Royal Commissions such as this. And in our view, there have been examples of cases in which the State Commissions have abused their powers. So it is perhaps with some reluctance that we accept the necessity of this body. Accepting that there is a need for this body it is absolutely vital that it is not given an unrestrained roving commission to enforce vague notions of integrity.
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In 2001 and 2005 the Federal and State Parliaments passed laws designed to deal with terrorism. Most of those laws were subject to sunset clauses. Over 20 years later those laws remain in place, with the sunset period being regularly extended with very little debate. The liberty undermining principles contained in those laws have now been extended into numerous other areas of the criminal law, as we predicted they would. We do not wish the continuing existence of these powers to be used as justification for the micromanagement of people’s lives in other areas.
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The expenditure cap for third parties should strike a fair balance between respect for freedom of speech and association, and the importance of preventing third parties exercising disproportionate influence in elections and being used to circumvent expenditure caps. The current proposal is that each third party can spend the same amount as all the mayoral candidate caps combined. This is absurd. This system permits every third party the same influence, in expenditure terms, as all the mayoral candidates combined. It is hard to see how this system would not inevitably lead to the exact outcome the system purports to be trying to avoid – that being the complete drowning out of other election participants’ voices.
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It is this Council’s position that the monitoring role by the CCC is ineffective both in respect of individual cases and in dealing with trends in relation to complaints against police. While high level corruption or other serious police offending is investigated and prosecuted from time to time by the CCC all other cases are handed back to the QPS with a so-called monitoring role by the CCC. It is submitted that Queensland should adopt the New South Wales procedure for investigating complaints against police namely that there should be a standalone body separate from the QPS and the CCC to investigate complaints against Police.
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The Council has repeatedly called on the government to publicly identify the criteria which it will use to decide that the state of emergency is no longer required. We note it has again failed to do so.
We have maintained throughout this crisis the emergency powers are justified so long as they are necessary, proportionate and are in place for the absolute minimum period. It cannot be said at this time that the case has been made for the continuation of these emergency powers.
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One area of inequality is that of social status. Anti-discrimination law is directed at addressing inequalities of social status. It seeks to deal with the fact that some people in our society are denied “goods on the basis of the widely held view that certain facts about them, such as race, gender, or religion make them less entitled to those goods than others are. The fact people are subject to a widely held view of inferiority of this kind- of being less entitled to important goods and opportunities, and less suitable for valued forms of personal relationship-is a distinctive feature of discrimination
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National security and surveillance powers in Australia ought to follow the introduction of a Federal and enforceable human rights framework, recommended by a succession of law reform commissions and bringing Australia into line with other democratic nations. The protection of Australians’ human rights and associated freedoms is the rationale for the existence of national security legislation and therefore must be the paramount consideration for the use of intrusive powers. Adopting the text and spirit of the guiding principles for reform contained within the Discussion Paper, we consider that it would be appropriate to have the objects of a simplified Electronic Surveillance Act coupled with clear requirements for the use of national security and surveillance powers expressly reflecting Australia’s obligations pursuant to the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. This would instill public confidence by requiring law enforcement agencies (and Court’s issuing warrants) to have an express object of human rights compliance together with a decision making criteria that directly requires contemplation of human rights implications
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The Internet is the new public square. So much of public debate, discussion and exchange of information now takes place on the Internet. On that basis, the doctrines of freedom of speech must be applied to the Internet.The rights of speakers on the Internet need to be protected. Another fundamental aspect of the right to freedom of speech is the right to do so anonymously. History is replete with examples of people having exercised their right of speech then being subject to reprisals by government or individuals
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As John Stuart Mill argued the preventive power of the State is, “far more liable to be abused, to the prejudice of liberty, then the punitory function; for there is hardly any part of the legitimate freedom of action of a human being that would not admit of being represented, and fairly too, as increasing the facilities for some form or other of delinquency.”
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The right of freedom of speech, dictates that the media must be given the widest possible latitude to seek and publish truthful speech about matters of public interest so that the audience is best able to form their beliefs and desires.
Two overarching issues arise from gaps in the ACT human rights legislation: lack of access to justice for breach of a human right and consequent lack of accountability within decision-making bodies. These are inextricably linked to the two purposes of human rights legislation as set out above.
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Religious people are entitled to laws which remove practices that restrict the range of opportunities available to them. But they are not entitled to special accommodations for their preferences. The distinction is between limits on the range of opportunities open to people and limits on the choices they may make between the opportunities available to them which are a consequence of the interaction between laws of general application and their religious preferences.
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The QCCL has been campaigning for an inspector of prisons for years and welcomed the recommendation of the Sofronoff inquiry that one be established. It would however be remiss of us not to mention the fact that it is now almost 5 years since that recommendation was made. However, as they say, better late than never
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This power to block parole for decades after a person has already served 20 or 30 years or more in prison will be exercised by the President of the Queensland Parole Board sitting in secret with the process totally lacking in transparency or accountability.
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However, there are real concerns as to whether this expansion of powers will infringe upon an individual’s right to personal privacy[6] and the privilege against self-incrimination.[7] The consequences of these infringements are exacerbated by the high likelihood that vulnerable and minority groups are disproportionately affected by these laws.[8]
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